Anakena Paddon
SOC 400
Culture and Globalization: the Role
of Religions
The
most interesting phrase from this week’s reading, to me, was that presented by
Uma Narayan: “death by culture”. She begins her article by attempting to unpack
her frustration with conversations regarding “bride-burning” and the confusion
when talking to people who do not really know any valid facts about the
practices. One of the first points she is careful to highlight is the
difference in which domestic violence is treated in a country like India and a
Western country. Third World women are automatically made out to be helpless victims of their culture (hence the
expression, “death by culture” which both oversimplifies the relationship
between women and the social issue and renders the culture in question all the
more foreign-seeming and “wrong”) whereas women in the Western World, while
still victimized, seem to be presented more as collateral damage of a social
phenomenon rather than victims of an overwhelming cultural pressure.
The
beginning of this extract reminded me of the Stabile and Kumar article on the
role of women in serving as legitimizers for war. Narayan states: “By calling
attention to the difficulties in giving “cultural explanations” for violence
against mainstream Western women, I attempt to think about the political
implications of the fact that “cultural explanations” seem more plausible with
respect to violence that affects Third-World women”. The importance of the role
of politics in this gender issue is crucial to the understanding of her
article, because the reason why the issues and representations in domestic
violence are represented so differently in India and the U.S.A. are
institutional.
Indeed,
feminist groups in the U.S.A. are able to focus on a wider scope of issues that
fall under the umbrella term of “domestic violence” because “feminist efforts
in the U.S. seem to have moved in the direction of widening the scope of what is understood to constitute ‘domestic
violence’, pointing out that verbal, emotional, and psychological abuse often
constitute components of domestic violence” (Narayan, p.91). Contrary to this,
the feminist movement in India has highlighted the issue of dowry deaths and
not the general issues of domestic violence, because this was how they were
able to get media coverage and more attention to the importance of the issue,
spreading awareness on a local level (Narayan says that prior to widespread
information from feminist movements, she had never heard of that phenomenon).
To me, this indication that an educated, involved feminist such as Narayan did not know about dowry deaths indicates
that is does not constitute common
knowledge and therefore is not a
blanket, cultural happening.
So
clearly there is a loss in translation somewhere along the way – and Narayan’s
conversation about absence and visibility was very interesting. It is difficult
to identify what is missing so we focus on what is placed at the forefront of
social issues in the media, in this case, general issues about domestic
violence in the USA and the specific focus on dowry deaths in India. However,
the problem is that this focus is also the only glimpse foreign countries get into
those social problems, hence why Narayan is hearing conversations about dowry
deaths at cocktail parties.
Her
final section, titled “Differences of ‘Culture’ and Differences in ‘Culture as
Explanation’” really connected this extract with the title of our week’s
readings, emphasizing the role of religion in culture and globalization. She points
out the weaknesses in trying to establish a valid connection between a
“culture” and a religion. I really appreciated how she focused not on dowry
deaths or domestic violence but on their perception
in the media and in popular culture.
In
Barber’s article on the Jihad vs McWorld, he portrays two opposing and clashing
“teams” of globalization. In his own words, “the rival observers seem to
consult different almanacs drawn from the libraries of contrarian planets”. The
two rival observers are grouped under the categories of race (which according
to him reflects the tribal past) and soul (which anticipates cosmopolitan
future). By oversimplifying both categories, he titles them Babel and
Disneyland – which overarchingly encompasses their main values, but also hints
at the potential for destruction each carries (Babel ending in violent civil
wars and Disneyland turning the world entirely into a capitalistic venture).
Both
depend on one another to exist, because they work in opposition of one another,
but at the end of his article, Barber presents the scenario where one would
prevail over the other, the Jihad’s perspective displaying “microwars” and
McWorld introducing a semblance of “micropeace”. He states that if they are
unable to find a compromise, then the planet must prepare for a “terminally
postdemocratic lifestyle”.
While
I understand the fear that comes from the prospect of losing the stability what
often is presented as democratic stability, part of me wonders why we rarely
agree to look into alternative political systems. What if there is something
more practical that does not pit the Jihad vision of the world against McWorld?
Is it truly relevant to compare religious extremism with capitalist extremism?
Is he presenting capitalism as a religion?
Kurzman’s
article on “bin Laden and other thoroughly modern Muslims” argues against the
popular view of equating globalization with Americanization, suggesting that
there are other avenues of modernization and “progress”. While it is
politically practical to frame the Middle East in a timeless, backwards way,
conveniently forgetting their technological access and widespread use, as well
as the importance of media, it is more useful to recognize their own modernity
and how it could enrich and change ours. Along with the article on Lagaan which
seemed to introduce the advent of Bollywood as the new all-popular genre of
cinema, this article proposes that there are
alternatives to Americanization.
Some
will most certainly fear this “other” alternative and this foreign influence,
but I am sure that many would also be relieved to know that modernity does not
have to mean the McDonaldization of the planet but that new thoughts on
education, political debates and international issues can be shared.
The
final article, by Caitlin Killian on North African women in France who were responded
to the headscarf affair, was very interesting to me because I grew up in France
and in recent years there were a flurry of news reports concerning young women
in high schools who were banned from wearing their headscarf or would be banned
from attending school.
This
article is somewhat scary to me, because I find that it highlights the
intolerance of a country and the necessity of cultural and religious
assimilation to France (although it is not spelled out in so many words). I
suppose I agree with the demographic I fit into: Killian states that “young and
especially well-educated women are more likely to believe that the veil is a
matter of the personal right to religious freedom and that France should be
more accepting of the diverse cultures that compose it”. I think that when
young girls are evicted from school for wearing a headscarf (don’t even get my
started on the hypocrisy of young Catholic students who wear gold crosses around
their necks), they are being shown that their culture and religion is not
accepted in the country and that difference from the mainstream demographic of
a white, Catholic person means you will not be privy to the same opportunities or
rights.
I
found this section challenging emotionally, because I felt like the intolerance
and unfairness was very blatant and so often tied to ignorance (as highlighted
in Narayan’s article in particular). Religion is a delicate subject because it
has been used so often to justify world issues or as an excuse for evicting
middle-schoolers for gaining the education that would allow them not to make such poor, and overly
simplified judgments as have been demonstrated in this collection of articles.
I think your analysis of the Narayan article really got to the author's main points, especially with the focus in cultural explanations. While the focus in the U.S. is very different than India when it comes to violence against women, excusing or understanding an act purely because it must be a part of the culture is taking too simple of a scope of the issue. Non-Western states deserve more agency than that. That article seem to hit most at the idea of oversimplifying issues and accusing a whole nation of doing a particular act.
ReplyDeleteI really liked your comparison of Narayan's article with Stabile and Kumar's. I think that you are right, the idea of "death by culture" is an american construction of Indian women with no agency and Indian culture as backwards or inferior to our own, which is exactly what Stabile and Kumar argue is how Afghani women are portrayed. I think this also brings up something that Narayan seemed to have overlooked. Narayan attributes the differences in how domestic violence and domestic violence murders are portrayed in India and the U.S. to the different feminist agenda's and strategies. However, that glosses over the racial component of these portrayals. Americans are able to conceive of dowry-murders as unimaginably different from their culture not because we don't have a name for the domestic violence murders that occur in the U.S., but because our media look for anything to point out difference, proof of a less civilized society because "those people" have darker skin. If dowry-murders were occurring in England, for example, it would seem different from our own ways, but not so completely foreign that the the similarity of the domestic violence umbrella would be completely erased.
ReplyDelete