Feminism,
Activism and Globalization Blog Post- Leah Feutz
All
of the readings for this week helped to illuminate some of the complications of
activism and enacting change, particularly in the context of feminist causes
and women’s rights. One theme that I saw among all these readings, as well as
in most of our discussions in general, was the idea that generalizations,
misrepresentations, and skewed understandings can be problematic to how we see
ourselves, view others, and make connections between these networks in the
globalizing world.
Professor
Jafar’s piece “Engaging
Fundamentalism” discusses the “ground reality” of Islamic fundamentalism within
which women’s NGOs in Pakistan are operating (256). As she notes, a lot of the
literature and debates on NGOs take “either/or” approaches to characterizing
these groups, and thus are “unable to capture the context within which NGOs
make their decisions…these NGOs have to consider the political and religious
sensibilities of the communities that they work within as they develop their
agendas and organize their activities” (257). I think this central point of the
piece is especially interesting. A lot of times, we discuss misconceptions in
how we view other cultures and many of the ways in which our vision of other
realities is flawed, but we don’t always take the step to say that this is
dangerous for other purposes beyond our own perceptions. We often fail to see
the consequences of our unexamined visions of the world. It is not just about
educating our views of others’ realities, but also how more accurate
understanding leads to more appropriate (and respectful) action. In this
particular case, Professor Jafar emphasizes that “NGOs do not operate in a
political and cultural vacuum where they are free to choose their causes and implement
their visions without any practical implications” (270). It is essential to
also consider the relationship between NGOs and religion, and how there are
multiple dynamics at play in determining how NGOs are active as well as how
their work and “the NGO community are viewed by the larger population” (270).
Lila
Abu-Lughod’s article also reiterates this theme of not addressing complexity,
as when the author was reviewing questions for a panel on Women and Islam. She
writes that “the questions were hopelessly general. Do Muslim women believe ‘x’?
Are Muslim women ‘y’?...I asked her: If you were to substitute Christian or
Jewish wherever you have Muslim, would these questions make sense?” (784). She
explains how a “cultural framing” of the discussions was preventing any serious
historical or political examination. I was especially struck when Abu-Lughod
wrote further, “instead of questions that might lead to the exploration of
global interconnections, we were offered ones that worked to artificially
divide the world into separate spheres-recreating an imaginative geography of
West versus East”, with what she calls “female symbols being mobilized” to
characterize the broader sense of the issue (784). Okin, too, discusses this
issue when she writes that liberal states “tend to treat cultural grous as
monoliths-to pay more attention to differences between and among groups than to
differences within them” (3). I find that this is a common occurrence in many
different instances. Perhaps generalizing and using cultural explanations is
easier for the “common person” to grasp, but we tend to create representations
of the different groups we are trying to analyze and thus force attached
meanings in often inappropriate situations. Through this, we also put a
responsibility on individuals of these particular groups to speak for the
whole, instead of affording them the respect to speak for themselves (something
we would not do to certain more privileged groups). Also, without the
willingness to look more closely, we fail to see the power structures that
create these pictures and also the dynamics of privilege (such as gendered
aspects, etc) within groups. I hope that as I continue to study different
issues in our course and just in encountering them in general, I can be
critical of how I conceive of these kinds of relationships and remember to extend
the same respect of individuality to explaining experience that I would want to
have myself. Furthermore, as Okin states, this will help to “look at
within-group inequalities” such as gendered inequalities that “are likely to be
less public, and less easily discernible. Responsible action to protect
minority rights and further well-being should recognize the pervasiveness of
power dynamics in many situations.
In Professor Jafar’s guest post “the
Burden of Representation”, this concept is further discussed. She writes about
the “stereotypical and one-dimensional image of the Muslim woman as oppressed,
unaware of her rights, and really no more than a shadowy figure gazing out from
behind the veil” (1). The question is asked, “exactly whose rights, and which
systems of privilege and oppression, are we upholding when we honor the rights
of a culture over those of its individuals?” (2). Again, I am reminded of the
importance of challenging our traditional social and cultural critiques, for
moral reasons and also for the purposes of deepening our understanding beyond
trying to paint some broader “big picture” of situations.
Finally,
the World Health Organization web page on female genital mutilation presented
many of the key facts, issues, cultural, religious, and social causes, as well
as responses taken to end this practice. I didn’t know too much about the
particularities of this issue before doing these readings, and I am not going
to pretend like I am an expert now, but I had heard some of the “broader
conversations” surrounding FGM. Last class, we were discussing respecting other
cultures, and Jane was bringing up the question of who gets to judge other
cultures and what that means for responsibility to critique our own practices
and tendencies. I had heard some of the same ideas applied to FGM in past
discussions of this issue, and while I try to be conscious of reserving judgment
before I am more educated on a subject, I have a problem with blocking a more
universal sense of morality in these types of situations. Especially as
exhibited by many of our readings for this week, when we try to “respect
cultures” and leave practices unchallenged and unexamined, we ignore the ways
that these are the product of power dynamics and systemic advantage/disadvantage
within groups. As the fact sheet states, the procedure of female genital mutilation
has no health benefits for girls and women, and in this way has gendered
consequences (which Okin also discusses). Maybe as a woman it is easier for me
to feel some solidarity or a more instant sense of “wrongness” with practices
such as this, and with other issues it might be more complicated to figure out
where I identify cultural practices that are not to be respected. But
regardless, it is definitely important to further education on these various
subjects to have more “educated judgment” in a more fair and responsible way. I
just wonder how policy and law, both of which require some measure of
generalization, can also do justice to the complicated dynamics of these
issues. While examining the intricacies of the issues is important, there is
also something to be said for enacting change quickly, especially given that
our system of government, global governing bodies, and many political systems
in general are slow and complicated processes already. I am definitely confused
about where the balance lies between meeting the individual and unique needs of
different groups and sub-groups, and trying to create policy expediently to
help people as soon as possible.
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